The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.

This article studies recent trends in the composition and uses of Swedish commissions of inquiry in preparing policy for the government. For much of the 20th century, commissions with representatives of major parliamentary parties and other policy stakeholders served as an arena of negotiation and compromise between the government, the opposition parties, and organised interests. Drawing on a unique data set of 2,087 commissions appointed between 1990 and 2016, we show that their representativeness has declined significantly. We also document a significant decrease in the inclusion of politicians and an increase in the presence of civil servants. Governments have also increased their control over commissions by issuing more directives. We further document a dramatic decline of reservations and dissenting opinions in the commission reports. This may be due to a combination of including fewer potentially dissenting voices and restricting commissions' scope. We conclude that commissions are no longer the arenas of compromise-seeking that they were for most of the 20th century.

Many countries face growing challenges of democratic governance from political polarizationand the increasingly complex nature of policy problems. The question is then how can governments build consensus and confer legitimacy on policy proposals in an environment where negotiating agreement among competing interests is increasingly difficult? In the past, many governments have dealt with these types of challenges by appointing ad hoc, independent commissions of experts and stakeholders from both sides of the political aisle to provide independent policy advice and to serve as an arena for political negotiation. Such commissions have been especially prevalent in Sweden, known for its rational and consensus-oriented policy making process. Drawing on a unique database, we investigate whether Swedish commissions can still fulfill their role as the cornerstone of the Swedish policymak-ing process. We analyze commissions with regard to their membership, political independence, and resources. We find that broadly representative commissions with policy stakeholders and parliamen-tary politicians, which havehistorically constituted about 50 percent of Swedish commissions of in-quiry, are now only a small fraction of commissions. The government is also exerting more control over commission outcomes by giving a greater number of directives. However, commission resources have stayed about the same, and commission do not appear to be used as a tactical electoral tool.

Parlamentariska utredningar görs allt mer sällan. Men i vår tid skulle sådana kommittéer behövas för att förankra svåra men nödvändiga politiska beslut, skriver Carl Dahlström, Erik Lundberg och Kira Pronin i en ny SNS-rapport.

Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling - Tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet samlar texter från doktorander och forskare knutna till Forskarskolan Offentlig verksamhet i utveckling (FOVU) vid Örebro Universitet. Antologin erbjuder en mångdisciplinär och omfångsrik behandling av en rad viktiga utmaningar för dagens offentlig verksamhet. I boken behandlas ämnen som korruption, jämställdhet, trygghet, medborgardialog, sjukskrivning och högerextremism. Målsättningen med boken är att skapa en bro mellan inomvetenskapliga debatter, offentlig praktik och politik. Här erbjuds kortare texter som på ett överskådligt sätt angriper praktikrelevanta ämnen utan att göra avkall på den vetenskapliga kvaliteten. Vissa texter erbjuder forskningsöversikter och reder ut oklarheter i teoretiska debatter, medan andra presenterar resultat av empirisk forskning.

Governance networks (GNs) are theorized as institutions for state–civil society interaction with important merits as well as shortcomings for effective and democratic governance. Here we compare GNs with a far less researched type of state–civil society interaction, the Swedish governmental commission (GC), critically discussing them in terms of organizational and functional features, the role of the state and democratic anchorage. Drawing on lessons from the institutional design of GCs, we contest the notion that well-functioning GNs require a low level of formal institutionalization and discuss how democratic problems with GNs could be addressed through a formal institutional framework that provides pre-established and generally applied ground rules, ensures elected politicians the final say on policy, and values broad participation and consultation. Recognizing that GNs are not a self-evident form for state–civil society interactions, traditional institutional designs should be more fully considered in the discussion and theorization of the democratic anchorage of GNs.

Trots positiva tendenser i medlemsutvecklingen inom vissa partier finns det knappast något hopp för att de politiska partierna återigen skall bli de stora folkrörelser som de var fram till 1980-talet, skriver Martin Karlsson och Erik Lundberg som är doktorander i statskunskap.

Under senare år har studenters läraromdömen allt mer hamnat i fokus inom skola såväl som högre utbildning. Parallellt med dessa utvecklingar har olika typer av internettjänster genom vilka studenter kan betygsätta sina lärare dykt upp i flera länder. I Sverige lanserades 2008 tjänsten ”Studenter tycker till” (STT) där studenter kan registrera sig och fylla i bedömningar av lärare enligt kriterierna utlärningsförmåga, kunskap, engagemang och lärandestöd. I denna studie undersöks betydelsen av lärarens kön och ålder för studenters läraromdömen genom en kvantitativ analys av omdömen av 98 högskole- och universitetslärare som givits på hemsidan STT. Syftet är att synliggöra hur sociala markörer, i detta fall om läraren är man eller kvinna, ung eller gammal, spelar en stor roll för hur en lärare utvärderas. Resultaten visar att kvinnor och unga lärare systematiskt ges lägre betyg av studenter, än män och äldre lärare. Studenter är således inte könsblinda eller oberoende av föreställningar om förhållandet mellan ålder och kompetens i sina bedömningar. Studien aktualiserar betydelsen av sociala markörer så som kön och ålder måste synliggöras och tas i beaktning när studenters utvärderingar av lärare och kurser behandlas inom högre utbildning.

Från år 1979 fram till idag har de politiska partierna sammanlagt förlorat mer än 80 procent av sina medlemmar. Den här uppsatsen undersöker de svenska partiorganisationernas strategier och agerande i skuggan av de senaste decenniernas sjunkande medlemstal. Detta görs genom att undersöka: 1) Hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till partiernas medlemsutveckling; 2) På vilket sätt och i vilken utsträckning ledande partiföreträdare anser att partierna har anpassats för att hantera rekryteringsfunktionen respektive aggregeringsfunktionen i en situation med minskande medlemsorganisationer samt 3) Om det finns det några skillnader när det gäller hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till medlemsminskningen och hur dessa i sådana fall kan förstås. Uppsatsen visar att medlemsrekrytering inte tycks vara någon särskilt prioriterad fråga för något av partierna. Partiföreträdarena menar att medlemsutvecklingen inte har föranlett några stora och mer genomgripande förändringar av partiernas organisation i syfte att stärka eller utveckla partiernas aggregeringskanaler. Analysen visar vidare att det finns en insikt bland alla partiföreträdare om svårigheten när det gäller hur partierna ska klara försörjningen av framtidens förtroendevalda men att några mer genomgripande förändringar i partiorganisationerna inte går att se. Slutligen påvisar uppsatsen också att partiföreträdare från de folkrörelsebaserade partierna är mer medlemsorienterade och ger uttryck för att partierna i första hand söker lösningar som finns inbyggt i dess struktur, tradition och identitet som folkrörelse. Partiföreträdare från de icke-folkrörelsebaserade partierna ger uttryck för att dessa partier är mindre bundna till idealet om många medlemmar och också mer benägen att utveckla fler och alternativa aggregeringskanaler och rekryteringskanaler än de folkrörelsebaserade partierna.

Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government.

The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

Mock elections are an increasingly popular form of  active learning, adopted in many European countries and the United States. However, we have limited knowledge regarding the extent to  which they enhance students’ civic competence. This article analyzes data from over 9,000 students aged 13-19 who participated in  a  2022 mock election in  Sweden. The goal is  to determine the extent to which mock elections boost civic competence, with an emphasis on potential variations related to  gender, ethnic background, and edu-cational stage. Results indicate that such participation positively influences students’ self-reported political knowledge and, to  a  lesser extent, their political interest, engagement, and efficacy. Yet, the impact varies among student demographics. For instance, foreign- born students reported greater effects than their Swedish-born coun-terparts. Female students displayed heightened political knowledge and interest compared to  males, while male students demonstrated higher political engagement. Interestingly, mock elections seemed to enhance political knowledge more in  primary school students than in  secondary school ones. Conversely, they had a  more pronounced impact on the political interests and engagement of secondary school students. The study concludes with suggestions for future research to  employ more rigorous methods to  assess the influence of  mock elections on civic competencies.

This article focuses on the changing level of participation of voluntary organisations in the policy process between 1964 and 2009 and its implication for the role played by voluntary organisations to the state. Drawing on data from the remiss procedure – one of the most understudied parts of the Swedish policy-making process – the results implicate a reduced role for voluntary organisations in formal arenas for policy making. While the number of participating voluntary organisations has remained stable, the relative share of participating organisations has declined and an increasing proportion of organisations have abstained from participating. In addition, the shares of conflict-oriented and member-benefit-oriented organisations have decreased while consensus-oriented and public-benefit-oriented organisations appear to have increased slightly. These findings are discussed in the context of changes in the coordination and implementation of public policies, implying that over time the role of voluntary organisations as arenas for deliberation and mediators of individual interests tend to have gradually lost ground in relation to the state while the share of organisations taking direct welfare responsibility has slightly increased. Although it may be premature to speak about a shifting role of voluntary organisations from input to output in the political system, the result suggest an emerging trend in that direction. Further research is needed to clarify whether this changing pattern of participation is evident in other arenas for policy making in Sweden or is an isolated feature explained from the outset of the remiss procedure.

Extreme right-wing violence has resulted in an intense academic debate on how democratic actors can respond to movement on the extreme right. This article explores how various types of CSOs perceive their role, interest, and willingness when it comes to counteracting right-wing extremism. Building on a theoretical framework that makes visible a variety of CSO responses and differences between types of CSOs, the results show that CSOs view themselves as having a watchdog role in relation to right-wing extremism. However, CSOs place the principal responsibility of response to right-wing extremism outside organized civil society in the hands of politicians, citizens, and the media. In addition, not all CSOs are willing to respond in the same way or to the same extent. Humanitarian and social service organizations are more inclined to engage in dialogue and protest compared with sports and recreation organizations and culture organizations. The article concludes by discussing the notion that bridging organizations may be more willing to respond to right-wing extremism and to use dialogue and deliberation compared to bonding organizations.

To what extent does the government selection process practised in public consultations promote or hinder pluralism in the policy-making process? This article addresses this question by exploring and analysing the characteristics of voluntary organizations invited to public consultations. Evidence is drawn from the formerly corporatist Scandinavian country of Sweden and the policy-making process referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The article shows that the government selection process encourages a multitude of organizations to participate. Consistent with recent studies on Scandinavian corporatism, this study provides weak support of corporatist practices in the Swedish policy process. However, and without challenging the seemingly pluralistic nature of the remiss procedure, voluntary organizations with ‘insider status’ in the policy process are more frequently invited to formal decision-making arenas such as the remiss procedure. It is argued that the policy network literature and the theory of political opportunity structures may further the understanding of the government selection process practised in public consultations.

This article investigates how the participation of voluntary organisations in the remiss-procedure has changed between 1964 and 2009 and how to interpret this. Drawing on evidence from 33 remiss-directories in nine different policy fields, the results conclude that the proportional level of voluntary organisations has declined and more organisations have chosen to abstain from participating in the remissprocedure. In addition, the number of conflict-oriented organisations has declined while the number of consensus-oriented organisations active in the output side of the political system has increased. It is argued that the result can be understood in relation to the changing mode of governance, new challenges presented by the welfare state and the rise of transnational organisations that seek influence in less formal arenas for policy making.

Idén om att ett fritt och starkt föreningsliv är garanten för en stark tillit i samhället är vida spridd. Organisationsföreträdare argumenterar ofta för att själva verksamheten i sig skapar positiva bieffekter för samhället och personerna som är aktiva där. Här lyfter Erik Lundberg frågan om föreningslivet utgör en källa till tolerans eller om det är de redan toleranta som organiserar sig.

Det här kapitlet presenterar en forskningsbakgrund över hur svensksamhällsvetenskaplig forskning har studerat det svenska organisationslivetfrån mitten av 1900-talet till idag. Tillbakablicken illustrerar att begreppetcivilsamhället kan kasta nytt ljus över relationen mellan det civila ochoffentliga samhället och problematisera den samverkan som vi idag ser tarform inom offentlig förvaltning.

This article expands on the understanding of the role civil society organisations (CSOs) play in counteracting right-wing extremism. Drawing on central strands in the defending democracy literature, this article introduces a typology to classify the responses of CSOs to right-wing extremism. The typology takes into account the distinction between tolerance and intolerance on the one hand, and active and passive political participation on the other. What is more, it allows for a more fine-tuned analysis of a variety of CSO responses vis-à-vis extreme right-wing movements. This distinction is important as it allows for a better understanding of the democratic role of civil society in general and the responses of pro-democratic civil society to political extremism in particular. Using this typology as a point of departure, the article contributes empirically by exploring how local CSOs in the Swedish town of Ludvika responded to the foremost neo-Nazi movement in the Nordic countries, namely the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM), prior to the 2018 Swedish election. Drawing primarily on the perspective of civil society leaders, the findings show that local CSOs are generally intolerant of the NRM and have engaged in opposition to the movement. Notably, responses tend to be more oriented towards promoting dialogue and the importance of public discussion in civil society rather than using confrontational tactics such as protests and civil disobedience. The article concludes that CSOs serve as bulwarks against right-wing extremism at least during politically charged situations; however, differences in tolerance and political participation indicate that CSOs respond differently to right-wing extremism.

This article analyzes the recurrent “erosion thesis” in the governance literature, arguing that bureaucratic or procedural public-sector institutions have come to play a less significant role in public-policy formation. Evidence from the Swedish policy-making institutions referred to as “governmental commissions” and adoption of the perspective of interest organizations support the claim. Using various theories of institutional change, I show that increased government control has reduced the influence of governmental commissions on policy, but not eliminated the belief held by interest organizations that the commissions are legitimate institutions.

Den här rapporten har presenterat resultat från ett forskningsprojekt som undersökt vilken roll ett engagemang i civilsamhället har för utvecklingen av intolerans bland unga. Med hjälp av data från ett forskningsprojekt som följt samma personer under fera år (Amnå, et. al., 2009) har projektet analyserat hur olika aspekter av ett engagemang i civilsamhället hänger samman med utvecklingen av ungas intolerans mot personer med utländsk bakgrund. Ungdomarna som inkluderades i föreliggande forskningsprojekt var mellan 13 och 18 år. Resultaten tyder på att ett varaktigt och uthålligt engagemang i kulturföreningar, religiösa föreningar, föreningar för fred och mänskliga rättigheter samt politiska föreningar dämpar ungas intolerans över tid. Förändringen av intolerans var små men statistiskt signifkanta och bestod vid kontroll för kön, etnicitet, ålder och socioekonomiska faktorer. Med andra ord förefaller ett kontinuerligt engagemang i vissa typer av föreningar begränsa ungas intolerans. Intressant nog tycks även en enskild insats i frivilligarbete ha en liknande efekt. Resultaten från det här forskningsprojektet betonar vikten av att främja ett varaktigt engagemang i civilsamhället eftersom det har störst betydelse för att dämpa intolerans och främlingsfentlighet bland unga. Det skulle således tala för att verksamma i civilsamhället arbetar för att hålla kvar ungdomar i ett föreningsengagemang och stimulera verksamheter som befrämjar frivilligt arbete. På samma sätt pekar det på betydelsen av att ofentliga aktörer stödjer möjligheten till frivilligt arbete samt föreningsverksamhet som bedrivs på lång sikt.

THE MECHANISMS OF TOLERANCE places tolerance in the spotlight.For this anthology, researchers from different disciplines have examinedwhat the multifaceted concept of tolerance may mean, in both theory andpractice.

The aim is to convey knowledge to the actors in pubic and civil societywho work to promote tolerance and positive attitudes among differentgroups in society. A further hope is that the anthology can encouragecontinued discussion of issues related to tolerance.

The FORUM FÖR LEVANDE HISTORIA (THE LIVING HISTORY FORUM)is an authority in Sweden with the task of promoting tolerance,democracy and human rights, with the Holocaust as its point of departure.

This article focuses on the changing level of participation of civil society organisations in the policy process between 1964 and 2009 and its implication for the role civil society organisation in the Swedish welfare state. Drawing on data from the remiss-procedure, one of the most understudied aspects of the Swedish policy making process, the article demonstrates that the role of civil society organisations has been reduced. In addition, the article draws attention to an ongoing shift from conflict and member benefit oriented organisations to consensus and public benefit oriented organisations. The findings implies that civil society organisations functioning as arenas for deliberation and mediators of individual interests have gradually been losing ground in relation to the state, while organisations taking direct welfare responsibility have increased. These findings are put in the context of the changes in the coordination and implementation of the welfare state; and indicate that the welfare state is now less dependent on the interest groups and old social movements that expanded the welfare state, and more dependent on service organisations that can contribute towards upholding it.

The school is often emphasized as the societal institution with a universal mandate for promoting democratic values such as tolerance among the younger generation. This study explores the role of a positive school context for tolerance among Swedish students between 14 and 20 years old, simultaneously taking into account competing explanations such as social networks and personal traits. Results show that factors at the school level are associated with tolerance. However, socioeconomic factors and social networks tend to play a more important role. The study concludes by drawing attention to the role of schools as inclusive communities for students from different ethnical and social backgrounds.

TOLERANSENS MEKANISMER riktar strålkastarljuset mot tolerans. I denhär antologin har forskare från olika ämnesområden undersökt vad dettamångtydiga begrepp kan betyda, såväl i teorin som i praktiken.

Syftet är att förmedla kunskap till aktörer i det offentliga och civilasamhället som verkar för att främja tolerans och positiva attityder till olikagrupper i samhället. Förhoppningen är också att antologin kan uppmuntratill fortsatt diskussion i frågor om tolerans.

FORUM FÖR LEVANDE HISTORIA är en myndighet med uppdrag attfrämja tolerans, demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter med utgångspunkti Förintelsen.

In contribution to current debates on the changing roles and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, I examined the participation of various types of civil society organizations in national welfare policymaking in Sweden between 1958 and 2012. Drawing upon an extensive dataset of over 1400 civil society, state, and for-profit organizations, I tested three claims related to the role and responsibility of civil society in the governance of welfare: the changing balance between corporatist and welfare organizations, the shift from voice to service, and another shift from nonprofit organizations to FPOs. My results revealed weak but emerging trends aligned with changing patterns of corporatism and the marketization of Sweden’s welfare system. However, support for any shift from voice to service remains uncertain.